Kerala

Kerala, known for its backwaters and lush landscapes, was once divided into three distinct regions: Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar. Each of these regions had its own particular administrative and political histories under British paramountcy, and their eventual integration into the Indian Union makes a complex story (Menon, 1956).

The princely state of Travancore was under the rule of Sree Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma. Though it had an elected legislature, its powers were limited. On 11 June 1947, the Dewan of Travancore, Sir C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar, announced the state’s decision to remain sovereign (Menon, 2023).

Travancore, being relatively prosperous and strategically located with access to the Arabian Sea, believed it could sustain independence, especially since its Dewan was a shrewd legal and political strategist. Sir C.P.’s proclamation came as a surprise and was viewed by the Indian leaders as a threat to national unity. Travancore’s control over the thorium-rich beaches also made its independence a matter of economic concern. Sir C.P. envisioned Travancore as a model state with a new political framework that borrowed from the American federal structure. He believed that princely states could maintain autonomy while engaging in selective cooperation with India (Panikkar, 1950; Menon, 1956; Subrahmaniam, 1985).

V.P. Menon, Secretary of the State's Ministry and from Kerala himself, met with Sir C.P. in a bid to change his mind. He tried getting him to agree to a plan of accession on just three key subjects, leaving most other matters untouched. However, Sir C.P. was keen on creating an American-style model for Travancore (Menon, 1956; Panikkar, 1950; Government of India, 1950).

This move displeased the Communists, who reacted with an uprising against the plan. This culminated in an assassination attempt on Sir C.P. in July 1947, following which he resigned. With Sir C.P. stepping down and the tide of opinion turning against sovereignty, the Maharaja had little choice but to accede to India. He therefore signed both the Instrument of Accession and the Standstill Agreement, which ensured the accession of a state to the new Dominion of India and  continuation of administrative arrangements with the Indian Government, after the lapse of paramountcy. (Government of India, 1950; Jeffrey, 1978; Guha, 2007).

In Cochin, the princely state was ruled by Kerala Varma Thampuran, with a legislative council that had an elected majority since the mid-1920s. As India approached Independence, the Maharaja transferred governance to elected representatives, calling for the formation of a unified Kerala, or Aikya Keralam, by merging Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar (Menon, 1956).

Cochin had historically been more receptive to democratic governance, and progressive administrative reforms had already taken root. The Cochin Congress and other local organisations had demanded responsible government for decades. The Maharaja’s decision to transfer power peacefully to a people’s ministry, led by leaders such as Panampilly Govinda Menon and T.K. Narayana Pillai, was a relatively smooth political transition. It was in this environment that the call for Aikya Keralam gained momentum. It was a statewide movement for the unification of Malayali speaking regions  under one state (Menon, 1979).

V.P. Menon supported the idea of Aikya Keralam, noting the shared language, culture, and geography between Travancore and Cochin. However, the central government was hesitant to create linguistic provinces at the time (i.e., the 1920s), and thus, Aikya Keralam did not materialise immediately.

The Dhar Commission (1948-49) assessed reorganisation demands and concluded that unity and administrative convenience should be prioritised over linguistic or cultural affinity, therefore postponing Aikya Keralam’s creation. Later, the JVP Committee  — named after its members Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel, and Pattabhi Sitaramayya — reiterated this, especially after the violent agitation for a separate Andhra state in 1952. Their position delayed Kerala’s formation even further, despite growing public demand and mobilisation for linguistic identity and self-governance (Dhar Commission, 1948; JVP Committee, 1949).

Setting aside the demand for Aikya Keralam, the Ministry of States proposed merging Travancore and Cochin. On 1 July 1949, the State of Travancore-Cochin was formed, with Thiruvananthapuram (also known as Trivandrum) serving as the administrative capital and Kochi as the judicial capital.

This new administrative unit — sometimes referred to as "Thiru-Kochi” — was an important stepping stone. While it represented a partial realisation of the unity dream, it excluded Malabar, which remained part of the Madras Presidency. Furthermore, tensions emerged as the merger brought together two different political traditions and expectations of the two states. 

In 1953, the Union Government established the States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) to examine state boundaries and linguistic issues, presenting an opportunity to revisit the idea of Aikya Keralam (SRC, 1953). The SRC recommended merging Malabar with Travancore-Cochin to create the new state of Kerala. Additionally, the Kasaragod taluk of South Canara was transferred to Kerala, while five Tamil-speaking taluks from Kanyakumari (in the extreme south of Travancore-Cochin) were transferred to Madras (SRC, 1955).

The SRC's decision had both linguistic and administrative grounds. Malabar, historically under direct British rule, had distinct socio-economic characteristics, including a strong peasant movement and a more entrenched class-based social structure. The inclusion of Kasaragod was contested but justified based on language and cultural ties, and the Kanyakumari transfer resolved long-standing disputes (Menon, 1979).

Another important matter was the administration of the Amindivi Island group (now part of Lakshadweep), while the southern Laccadive islands were already part of the Malabar district. The SRC recommended placing both island groups under Kerala’s administration. These coral islands, though physically distant, had historical links with the Malabar coast in terms of trade and governance, therefore making administrative sense to include them. Lakshadweep was to remain a Union Territory, but its administrative coordination began to be routed through Kerala (SRC, 1955).

On 1 November 1956, the state of Kerala officially came into being, with E.M.S. Namboodiripad from the Communist Party of India (CPI) elected as its first Chief Minister. The EMS government, the first democratically elected Communist government in the world, signified the region’s deep engagement with radical politics, rooted in the peasant struggles of Malabar and the progressive movements of Travancore and Cochin. His tenure introduced significant land reforms, education initiatives, and decentralisation, setting the tone for Kerala’s unique developmental trajectory (Meon, 1979).

Today, Kerala’s high human development indicators can be traced back to these foundational political and social struggles. The unification of Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar, therefore, reflected not only a geographic merger but also the coming together of diverse histories and aspirations.

References

• Dhar Commission (1948). Report of the Linguistic Provinces Commission. Government of India.

  
  

• Government of India (1950). White Paper on Indian States. New Delhi: Ministry of States.

  
  

• Guha, R. (2007). India After Gandhi. New Delhi: Picador.

  
  

• Jeffrey, R. (1978). The Decline of Nair Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore 1847–1908. Sussex University Press.

  
  

• JVP Committee (1949). Report on the Reorganisation of States. Government of India.

  
  

• Menon, A.S. (2023). Triumph and Tragedy in Travancore Annals of Sir CP’s Sixteen Years.

  
  

• Menon, V.P. (1956). Story Integration of the Indian States. New Delhi: Orient Longman.

  
  

• Menon, A.S. (1979). The History of Kerala. Ernakulam.

  
  

• State Reorganisation Commission (1955). Report of the State Reorganisation Commission.

  
  

• Subrahmaniam, K. (1985). India and the Nuclear Challenge. New Delhi: Lancers Publishers. pp. 27–28.