Sikkim
- indiastatestories
- Jan 19
- 5 min read
Updated: Oct 30
Sikkim's transition from a princely state to a protectorate, then to an associate state, and finally to a part of the Union of India is a fascinating journey. It reflects the complexities of India's post-colonial consolidation and the nuanced geopolitical dynamics of the region.
Sikkim occupied a distinct and ambiguous position under British India. Unlike most princely states, it was neither fully sovereign nor entirely subordinate. While it retained its monarchy and internal governance, it functioned under British suzerainty without a direct Resident, resulting in a loosely defined status. Unlike Bhutan, which was formally recognised as an independent kingdom under British protection, Sikkim’s autonomy was constrained, and its political identity remained uncertain, shaped by overlapping claims, treaties, and shifting regional interests (Khan, 2024).
Historically, the Treaty of Titalia (1817) and later the Treaty of Tumlong (1861) formalised British suzerainty over Sikkim while allowing the Chogyals internal sovereignty (High Court of Sikkim, 1817). The Drukpa Kagyu monasteries, patronised by the Chogyals, were not only religious centres but also influential socio-political institutions during this period.
As India neared independence, debates emerged regarding Sikkim's status in the Union of India. Sardar Patel and B.N. Rau urged Chogyal Tashi Namgyal to sign the Instrument of Accession, which was the standard procedure for all princely states. However, Jawaharlal Nehru decided to take a more sympathetic approach towards Sikkim, allowing the Maharaja to independently decide how to proceed with the state's integration into India. In the meantime, Sikkim signed the Standstill Agreement to maintain the status quo until a resolution could be reached (Khan, 2024).
The political landscape in Sikkim was shaped by its major communities: Bhutia, Lepcha, and Nepalese (Government of Sikkim, 1977). While the Nepalese population, constituting around 75% of the state's population, held numerical strength, they were politically marginalised. Waves of Nepali immigration in the early 20th century brought challenges of land rights and political inclusion, fueling the demand for democracy (Chakrabarti, 2012).
The Sikkim State Congress (SSC), which had a Nepalese majority, passed a resolution calling for a popular government and Sikkim's accession to India (Bhutia, 2015). In response, Netuk Lama formed the Sikkim National Party, which was primarily composed of Bhutias and Lepchas. This party was in favour of maintaining the traditional social and political structures in Sikkim.
Amid growing political pressure from the SSC, the Government of India and Maharaja Tashi Namgyal signed the Indo-Sikkim Treaty in 1950. This treaty declared Sikkim a protectorate of India, granting it autonomy in its internal affairs, while India took responsibility for its defence and foreign relations (Government of India, 1950). One clause gave India overriding powers in the event of a threat to the state's security.
This period marked a critical phase in Sikkim's journey toward greater integration with India, though it still retained a considerable degree of internal autonomy. It also laid the groundwork for further political developments that would ultimately lead to Sikkim's full integration into India as a state in 1975.
In the years following the Indo-Sikkim Treaty of 1950, Sikkim saw Maharaja Thondup accumulating more power with the support of the Indian government, while the Sikkim National Party (SNP), a group primarily composed of Bhutia and Lepcha communities, aligned itself with the pro-democracy Sikkim State Congress (SSC), resulting in the formation of the Sikkim National Congress. This growing political convergence coincided with a turbulent political scenario in India. The Congress Party’s poor performance in the 1967 elections under Indira Gandhi allowed the Maharaja to leverage his unique position and extend his influence in Sikkim (Bareh, 2001).
Circa 1971, a revised treaty was proposed, which sought to upgrade Sikkim’s status from a protectorate to a permanent associate state, shifting the relationship from one of protection to a more equal partnership. However, Maharaja Thondup refused to sign the treaty, claiming it was just a step away from a full merger with India. He demanded that the Bhutia-Lepcha communities of Sikkim maintain their independence, marking his resistance to India's growing involvement in Sikkimese politics.
India, in turn, responded by shifting its policy towards Sikkim. The Indian government withdrew its support for Chogyal Thondup and began backing the pro-democracy forces, particularly Kazi Dorji, who was covertly supported by Indian intelligence. This support was significant, as many Sikkimese people, especially those denied Indian citizenship, were dissatisfied with the Chogyal's rule and sought integration with India. During this time, the newspaper 'Kanchenjunga' played a critical role in shaping public discourse, advocating for democratic governance and Indian integration.
In 1973, large-scale protests erupted against the Chogyal Thondup, invoking the clause from the 1950 Indo-Sikkim Treaty that allowed India to intervene in case of unrest. This culminated in a tripartite agreement between the Indian government, the Chogyal, and the Sikkim National Congress, leading to state council elections in 1974. This was a significant step toward a more democratic system, though still within the framework of Sikkim's complex relationship with India. Earlier democratic experiments, such as the 1967 State Council elections, had already laid some groundwork for electoral participation (US Embassy, 1975).
On 4th July 1974, a landmark event occurred when the Sikkim Assembly passed the Government of Sikkim Act, which was duly signed by Chogyal Thondup. This paved the way for the promulgation of a new Sikkimese constitution and the formation of a five-member cabinet, with Kazi Dorji becoming the first popularly elected Chief Minister of Sikkim. This was a historic shift toward self-governance and democratic participation in Sikkim (Government of India, 1974).
On 9th April 1975, Kazi Dorji formally requested Indira Gandhi to remove Chogyal Thondup and merge Sikkim with India. This request was followed by a referendum, which was indicative of overwhelming support among the Sikkimese people for Sikkim's full integration into India. The 1973 judicial review case had already tested the democratic limits of Sikkim's new framework, strengthening legal grounds for the referendum (Bareh, 2001).
To formalise the process, Y.B. Chavan introduced the Thirty-Sixth Amendment Bill in the Lok Sabha to incorporate Sikkim into the Indian Union. The bill was passed almost unanimously in both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha. On 16th May 1975, Sikkim officially became the 22nd state of India, marking the culmination of decades of complex political negotiations. Sikkim's integration also drew the interest of international observers, including the British Foreign Office, which privately expressed concerns over the speed and style of the process (Government of India, 1974). Sikkim’s merger into India was hailed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a “new great experiment of democracy.”
For the longest time, districts in Sikkim remained stable. However, in 2021, the Government of Sikkim announced the formation of two new districts (namely Pakyong and Soreng) and the renaming of the existing four districts (Khan, 2024). The selection of Pakyong as a district headquarters also reflects the infrastructural development sparked by the construction of Pakyong Airport between 2015 and 2021 (Sinha, 2017).
In recent years, the state has continued to evolve administratively. The Sikkim Bhutia Lepcha Apex Committee, created in 2011, has aimed to provide stronger indigenous representation in governance. New initiatives such as the drafting of the Sikkim Forest Rights Act (2020) seek to formalise customary land usage and forest access, especially for the Lepcha and Bhutia populations. These are examples of Sikkim's attempts to balance cultural autonomy with federal integration.
References
Bareh, H. (2001). Encyclopedia of North-East India.
Bhutia, S.D. (8 August 2015). "Political Parties and Ethnicity in Sikkim since 1975". Sikkim University.
Chakrabarti, A. (2012). Migration and marginalisation in the ‘Himalayan Kingdom’of Sikkim.
Government of India (1950). Indo-Sikkim Treaty 1950.
Government of India (1974). The Constitution (Thirty-Fifth Amendment) Act, 1974.
Government of Sikkim (1977). Sikkim Government Gazette.
Government of Sikkim (n.d.).
Comments