Andhra Pradesh

Phase 1: The first Andhra state

In the early 20th century, the work of artists like Kandukuri Veeresalingam forged a cultural consciousness amongst Telugu speakers (Rao, 1977; Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav, 2022). This helped start Andhra Pradesh's political journey, which began in 1913, when the Andhra Mahajana Sabha demanded a separate province out of the northern Madras Presidency . This demand was strengthened in 1937 when Coastal Andhra (i.e., the northern, coastal districts) and Rayalaseema (the southern districts) agreed to the idea of a unified state – this was called the Sri Bagh Pact (Mantena, 2014).

However, this progress came to a standstill after India’s independence in 1947. Though the INC had promised a separate Andhra Pradesh through the Wardha Resolution, they began reconsidering after gaining power. Their doubts were reinforced by the Dhar Commission, which said that forming states on linguistic grounds would prioritise linguistic identities over the national one, threatening the country’s unity (Reddy, 2006). The JVP Committee, consisting of Jawaharlal Nehru, Valabhbhai Patel, and Pattabhi Sitaramayya, reached the same conclusion (Pingle, 2010).

This did not sit well with the Andhras. In 1952, Sri Potti Sriramulu went on a hunger strike to get the government to change its mind (Azadi ka Amrit Mahotsav, n.d.). His resulting death on 17 December was met with such outrage and destruction that Nehru changed his mind, and the state of Andhra Pradesh was born on October 1, 1953. Kurnool was to be the capital; the Telangana region was to remain in the Madras state (Pingle, 2010).

Phase 2: The addition of Telangana

Source: Satire and the Malayali: Why India’s best cartoonists almost always come from Kerala, Scroll.com

Three years later, the State Reorganisation Commission was formed to consider other linguistic and cultural claims for statehood. This resulted in a wide-scale redrawing of boundaries through the State Reorganisation Act (1956).

One such claim was on behalf of Telangana, which wanted to join Andhra Pradesh. (Read Telangana’s state story to understand its history.) This decision was not made lightly, as many from Telangana were worried about being dominated politically and economically (Pingle, 2010). Not only were they distinct geographically, but their time under the Nizam’s rule had left them with distinct traditions as well as administrative structures. They finally decided to combine states after the Gentlemen’s Agreement of October 1956 was signed by leaders from both sides to protect their respective interests; Andhra Pradesh was formed a month later, on November 1, to date, this is observed as the state’s formation day (Seshan, 2018). Hyderabad was chosen as the capital, largely due to its allure of ‘ready-made’ capital with resources inherited from the Nizam’s government (Pingle, 2010).

Phase 3: The 2014 bifurcation

However, the people of Telangana were dissatisfied with the state administration for a range of reasons.

First, they contested that Andhra had not upheld its side of the Gentlemen’s Agreement. A notable example is the neglected Mulki certificate clause. A ‘Mulki’ was a minimum of a second-generation native of Telangana; according to the Andhra Pradesh Public Employment Act (1957), a certain share of jobs were to be saved for them. However, Andhra natives would find ways around this (Rao, 1977). 

Second, they believed that they had been treated unfairly vis-à-vis revenue allocations, as their revenue surpluses from technology and excise duties had been diverted to Andhra’s development and not their own. Hyderabad, located in Telangana, was the state’s capital and had become a technological hub, contributing greatly to the state’s revenue. However, major irrigation and power projects were based in Andhra, and there were more leaders from the coast than Telangana (Rao, 2013). 

Third, the geographic needs of the arid Telangana had been seemingly forgotten in comparison to the coastal Andhra, and lastly, Telangana’s distinct culture had been sidelined. The latter was a major point made by social activists – artists’ work on cultivating their cultural identity contributed to the creation of the political state.

In 2001, Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) formed the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) - with this, the demand for a separate Telangana state intensified. He went on a hunger strike reminiscent of Sri Potti Sriramulu’s, prompting Home Minister P. Chidambaram to announce the creation of Telangana (Haragopal, 2010). Since Telangana’s formation, welfare policies like Missions Kakatiya and Bhagiratha for water and the KCR Kit for maternal care have been well-received (Seshan, 2018).

This phase thus concluded in 2014 with the passing of the Andhra Pradesh Reorganization Act, through which the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh was bifurcated. Hyderabad remained the joint capital for 10 years, with a new city called Amaravati being declared the future capital of Andhra Pradesh.

Phase 4: Post-bifurcation

Though Amaravati was intended to be the capital, the new government in 2019 instead proposed a 3-capital model – Amaravati (legislative), Visakhapatnam (executive), and Kurnool (judicial). This left some unhappy due to the amount of money and land that had already been invested in Amaravati (Viraj, 2021). Things changed once again in 2024, when the original TDP government regained power and announced that Amaravati was to remain the capital – this also was met with frustration, as the previous government had begun investments into Visakhapatnam and Kurnool. 

There have been other political developments, too. Andhra Pradesh has invested heavily in education, but without any significant outcome yet. It is also trying to convert Visakhapatnam into a tech hub a la Hyderabad. In 2022, in an attempt to improve administration, there was a mass district reorganization, resulting in a doubling of districts from 13 to 26. Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have also been engaged in water wars over the river Krishna, taking up much of newspaper space (Rao, 2025). This is where the story of this state is currently at.

References

• Ministry of Culture, (July 14, 2022). Kandukuri Veeresalingam. Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav, Government of India. 

  
  

• Ministry of Culture, (n.d.). Potti Sriramulu. Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav, Government of India. 

  
  

• Haragopal, G. (2010, October 16). The Telangana People’s Movement: the unfolding political culture. Economic and Political Weekly. 

  
  

• Mantena, R. S. (2014). The Andhra Movement, Hyderabad State, and the Historical Origins of the Telangana Demand: Public Life and Political Aspirations in India, 1900–56. India Review, 13(4), 337–357.

  
  

• Pingle, G. (2010, February 20). The historical context of Andhra and Telangana, 1949-56. Economic and Political Weekly. 

  
  

• Rao, D. R. (1977). Social Ideals and Patriotism in Telugu Literature (1900—1930). Indian Literature, 20(3), 118–126. 

  
  

• Rao, G. G. (2013, October 8). Hyderabad and the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh. Economic and Political Weekly. 

  
  

• Rao, D. (2025, May 4). Crucial meeting on May 7 on Krishna River water sharing. Telangana Today. 

  
  

• Reddy, G. S. S. (2006). Making Of Micro-regional Identities In The Colonial Context: Studying The Rayalaseema Maha Sabha, 1934 - 1956. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 67, 500–513. 

  
  

• Seshan, K. (2018). Telangana: History and the formation of a new state. Studies in People’s History, 5(1), 72–82. 

  
  

• Viraj, V. (2021, June 17) Shifting Capitals from Amaravati to Vizag: Disabling Growth Engines and Social Justice. Economic and Political Weekly.