5 | The Menon Plan (June 3rd Plan)

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The "June 3rd Plan," also known as the "Menon Plan," (older history books call it Mountbatten Plan) was a pivotal proposal that outlined the partition of British India and the mechanism for the princely states to accede to either of the new dominions. It came into being following the failure of earlier constitutional proposals, and it dramatically altered the course of India's independence (Basu, 2020).

Background

The British government, particularly after the Second World War, understood that a substantial devolution of power to India was imminent. Initially, Prime Minister Atlee announced the government’s intention to transfer power into responsible Indian hands by June 1948. A Cabinet Mission, sent to India on 24 March 1946 to discuss transfer of power, introduced a novel federal framework for India. The plan rejected the idea of a separate Pakistan and envisioned an Indian Union that would include both the British Indian provinces and the princely states. It proposed a three-tiered administrative structure with the Federal Union at the top, individual provinces at the bottom and groups of provinces in the middle. The Union would be responsible only for foreign affairs, defence, and communications, while the provinces and princely states would retain autonomy over other subjects. The Plan introduced a grouping or sectional system, allowing provinces to voluntarily form groups with their own legislatures and executives, thereby providing a significant degree of internal autonomy. This arrangement was seen as a compromise to accommodate the conflicting demands of the Congress and the Muslim League while preserving the unity of India under a loose federal structure. A Constituent Assembly would be formed, and paramountcy over the princely states would lapse upon Britain's withdrawal, leaving them free to chart their own future.

The Congress asserted that the Constituent Assembly would be fully independent and free to modify the plan as it pleased. This effectively squashed the Mission’s plan and the Muslim League also withdrew its initial acceptance. Lord Mountbatten arrived in India as Viceroy in March 1947, tasked with ensuring a favourable British withdrawal. Initially, he dedicated little time to the princely states' future, with the Political Department, led by Sir Conrad Corfield, still largely managing their affairs. Corfield's stance aimed at preserving princely sovereignty, ensuring all powers reverted to them on August 15, 1947, following the lapse of paramountcy.

Plan Balkan

After the Cabinet Mission's plan for a united India had effectively failed, Lord Mountbatten, who arrived as Viceroy in March 1947, was tasked with finding an alternative for the transfer of power. In early May 1947, Mountbatten went to Simla with his staff, including Nehru, and V.P. Menon, to finalise the details of this new plan, which came to be known as "Plan Balkan" (Basu, 2020). Under this plan, power was to be transferred to each of the eleven British Indian provinces individually. Punjab and Bengal, both fiercely contested, were given the option to vote for the partition of their units. The plan also envisioned that the princely states, upon the transfer of power, would become independent and could then negotiate freely with any confederation of provinces that might emerge. This meant that the subcontinent would end up more-or-less as a patchwork of independent states.

Mountbatten urged the Cabinet to approve the plan swiftly, which they did within a week. To the British ministers, this seemed suitable. However, both Nehru and Sardar Patel vehemently opposed it. Nehru was horrified and described it as a “picture of fragmentation and conflict and disorder” and that Congress would under no circumstances accept it. V.P. Menon, then Reforms Commissioner and the secretary to Viceroy, also criticized the plan. He explicitly told Mountbatten that the plan was "unthinkable" and would divide the country in such a manner that there would be "no question of any unity". He also emphasized that it would lead to chaos and civil war.

Emergence of Menon Plan (or Menon-Mountbatten Plan)

Mountbatten, rattled by these reactions, realized the disastrous consequences of proceeding with Plan Balkan. He then turned to Menon who had proposed an alternative scheme. Menon had, as early as December 1942, proposed a scheme to Lord Linlithgow for an interim federal government where states would accede on defence and external affairs. He later adapted this into a blueprint for transfer of power to two central governments. Menon argued for the inevitability of partition into two central governments (India and Pakistan) based on Dominion Status. Menon worked quickly to draft this alternative plan, completing it in a few hours. Mountbatten, convinced by Menon's arguments and Nehru's strong reaction, adopted this plan and took it to London for approval (Basu, 2020).

This was a pivotal proposal that attempted to offer a middle ground between the fragmented Plan Balkan and the unifying aspects desired by Indian leaders. It aimed to preserve India's unity while allowing for regional autonomy, although it faced challenges due to its sudden emergence and the rapid decision-making process. Mountbatten then took "ownership" of this new plan and announced it on 3rd June 1947. It subsequently came to be known as June 3rd Plan or Mountbatten Plan. Few remember it as the Menon Plan today, and in VP’s official narrative, he refers to it politely as the 3rd June Plan himself. It is the first official draft of the terms of India’s independence, and of the future of South Asia. The fundamental difference between Plan Balkan and Menon Plan lay in their approach to the transfer of power. Plan Balkan envisioned power being transferred to individual provinces, potentially creating numerous independent entities (Basu, 2020). The June 3rd Plan, conversely, focused on transferring power to two central governments, India and Pakistan, aiming to retain the essential unity of India while allowing specific areas to secede.

Reactions to Menon Plan

Sardar Patel quickly grasped the logic of Menon’s plan and stated that there was no alternative than to accept it. Nehru was persuaded by the Menon Plan, seeing it as a continuation of the Cabinet Mission scheme with ‘suitable variations’. He expressed his preference for an early transfer of power on a Dominion Status basis and was happy for Mountbatten to continue as Governor-General. Although Jinnah agreed to the general principles of the new plan, he refused to give written acceptance immediately. He later obtained the All-India Muslim League Council's support, accepting the fundamental principles of the plan as a compromise.

The reaction from Princes and rulers was mostly negative. The Nawab of Bhopal (Hamidullah Khan), who had sought to protect princely interests and even explored forming a ‘Rajastan’ as a ‘Third Force’ was disappointed by the Menon plan, viewing it as a betrayal that would destroy the princely states. He resigned his chancellorship of the Chamber of Princes. Many princes were reluctant to introduce responsible government, a factor that weakened their bargaining position. However, there were few exceptions as well who voluntarily accepted the plan and acceded.

V.P. Menon played a central, albeit often behind-the-scenes, role in shaping this momentous plan, ensuring its practical implementation and working closely with Sardar Patel to integrate the Indian States into the new Dominion of India.

References:

• Basu, Narayani (2020). V.P. Menon: The Unsung Architect of Modern India. Simon & Schuster India.

• Menon, V. P. (1956). The Story of Integration of Indian States. Orient Blackswan (Reprint)

• Zubrzycki, John (2023). Dethroned: Patel, Menon and the Integration of Princely India. Juggernaut.

Appendix: June 3rd Plan

Statement made by His Majesty's Government, 3 June 1947

Introduction

1. On 20 February 1947, His Majesty's Government announced their intention of transferring power in British India to Indian hands by June 1948, His Majesty's Government had hoped that it would be possible for the major parties to cooperate in the working-out of the Cabinet Mission Plan of 16 May 1946, and evolve for India a constitution acceptable to all concerned. This hope has not been fulfilled.

2. The majority of the representatives of the provinces of Madras, Bombay, the United Provinces, Bihar, Central Provinces and Berar, Assam, Orissa and the North-West Frontier Province, and the representatives of Delhi, Ajmer-Merwara and Coorg have already made progress in the task of evolving a new constitution. On the other hand, the Muslim League Party, including in it a majority of the representatives of Bengal, the

Punjab and Sindh, as also the representative of British Baluchistan, has decided not to participate in the Constituent Assembly.

3. It has always been the desire of His Majesty's Government that power should be transferred in accordance with the wishes of the Indian people themselves. This task would have been greatly facilitated if there had been agreement among the Indian political parties. In the absence of such agreement, the task of devising a method by which the wishes of the Indian people can be ascertained has devolved upon His Majesty's Government. After full consultation with political leaders in India, His Majesty's Government have decided to adopt for this purpose the plan set out below. His Majesty's Government wish to make it clear that they have no intention of attempting to frame any ultimate constitution for India; this is a matter for the Indians

themselves. Nor is there anything in this plan to preclude negotiations between communities for a united India.

THE ISSUES TO BE DECIDED

4. It is not the intention of His Majesty's Government to interrupt the work of the existing Constituent Assembly. Now that provision is made for certain provinces specified below, His Majesty's Government trust that, as a consequence of this announcement, the Muslim League representatives of those provinces, a majority of whose representatives are already participating in it, will now take their due share in its labors. At the same time, it is clear that any constitution framed by this Assembly cannot apply to those parts of the country which are unwilling to accept it. His Majesty's Government are satisfied that the procedure outlined below embodies the best practical method of ascertaining the wishes of the people of such areas on the issue

whether their constitution is to be framed:—

a)     in the existing Constituent Assembly;

or

b)     in a new and separate Constituent Assembly consisting of the representatives of those areas which decide not to participate in the existing Constituent Assembly.

When this has been done, it will be possible to determine the authority or authorities to whom power should be transferred.

BENGAL AND THE PUNJAB

5. The provincial Legislative Assemblies of Bengal and the Punjab (excluding the European members) will, therefore, each be asked to meet in two parts, one representing the Muslim-majority districts and the other the rest of the Province. For the purpose of determining the population of districts, the 1941 census figures will be taken as authoritative. The Muslim-majority districts in these two provinces are set out in the Appendix to this Announcement.

6. The members of the two parts of each Legislative Assembly sitting separately will be empowered to vote whether or not the Province should be partitioned. If a simple majority of either part decides in favor of partition, division will take place and arrangements will be made accordingly.

7. Before the question as to the partition is decided, it is desirable that the representatives of each part should know in advance which Constituent Assembly the Province as a whole would join in the event of the two parts subsequently deciding to remain united. Therefore, if any member of either Legislative Assembly so demands, there shall be held a meeting of all members of the Legislative Assembly (other than Europeans) at which a decision will be taken on the issue as to which Constituent Assembly the Province as a whole would join if it were decided by the two parts to remain united.

8. In the event of partition being decided upon, each part of the Legislative Assembly will, on behalf of the areas they represent, decide which of the alternatives in paragraph 4 above to adopt.

9. For the immediate purpose of deciding on the issue of partition, the members of the Legislative Assemblies of Bengal and the Punjab will sit in two parts according to Muslim-majority districts (as laid down in the Appendix) and non-Muslim majority districts. This is only a preliminary step of a purely temporary nature, as it is evident that for the purposes of a final partition of these provinces a detailed investigation of boundary questions will be needed; and, as soon as a decision involving partition has been taken for either province, a Boundary Commission will be set up by the Governor-General, the membership and terms of reference of which will be settled in consultation with those concerned. It will be instructed to demarcate the boundaries of the two parts of the Punjab on the basis of ascertaining the contiguous majority areas of Muslims and non-Muslims. It will also be instructed to take into account other factors. Similar instructions will be given to the Bengal Boundary Commission. Until the report of a Boundary Commission has been put into effect, the provisional boundaries indicated in the Appendix will be used.

SINDH

10. The Legislative Assembly of Sindh (excluding the European members) will at a special meeting also take its own decision on the alternatives in paragraph 4 above.

NORTH-WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE

11. The position of the North-West Frontier Province is exceptional. Two of the three representatives of this Province are already participating in the existing Constituent Assembly. But it is clear, in view of its geographical situation, and other considerations, that if the whole or any part of the Punjab decides not to join the existing Constituent Assembly, it will be necessary to give the North-West Frontier Province an opportunity to reconsider its position. Accordingly, in such an event, a referendum will be made to the electors of the present Legislative Assembly in the North-West Frontier Province to choose which of the alternatives mentioned in paragraph 4 above they wish to adopt. The referendum will be held under the aegis of the Governor-General and in consultation with the provincial Government.

BRITISH BALUCHISTAN

12. British Baluchistan has elected a member, but he has not taken his seat in the existing Constituent Assembly. In view of its geographical situation, this Province will also be given an opportunity to reconsider its position and to choose which of the alternatives in paragraph 4 above to adopt. His Excellency the Governor-General is examining how this can most appropriately be done.

ASSAM

13. Though Assam is predominantly a non-Muslim province, the district of Sylhet which is contiguous to Bengal is predominantly Muslim. There has been a demand that, in the event of the partition of Bengal, Sylhet should be amalgamated with the Muslim part of Bengal, Accordingly, if it is decided that Bengal should be partitioned, a referendum will be held in Sylhet district under the aegis of the Governor-General and in consultation with the Assam Provincial Government to decide whether the district of Sylhet should continue to form part of the Assam Province or should be amalgamated with the new Province of Eastern Bengal, if that Province agrees. If the referendum results in favor of amalgamation with Eastern Bengal, a Boundary Commission with terms of reference similar to those for the Punjab and Bengal will be set up to demarcate the Muslim-majority areas of Sylhet district and contiguous Muslim-majority areas of adjoining districts, which will then be transferred to Eastern Bengal. The rest of the Assam Province will in any case continue to participate in the proceedings of the existing Constituent Assembly.

REPRESENTATION IN CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLIES

14. If it is decided that Bengal and the Punjab should be partitioned, it will be necessary to hold fresh elections to choose their representatives on the scale of one for every million of population according to the principle contained in the Cabinet Mission Plan of 16 May 1946. Similar elections will also have to be held for Sylhet in the event of it being decided that this district should form part of East Bengal. The number of representatives to which each area would be entitled is as follows:—

15. In accordance with the mandates given to them, the representatives of the various areas will either join the existing Constituent Assembly or form the new Constituent Assembly.

ADMINISTRATIVE MATTERS

16. Negotiations will have to be initiated as soon as possible on the administrative consequences of any partition that may have been decided upon:—

(a) Between the representatives of the respective successor authorities about all subjects now dealt with by the central Government, including defence, finance and communications.

(b) Between different successor authorities and His Majesty's Government for treaties in regard to matters arising out of the transfer of power.

(c) In the case of provinces that may be partitioned, as to the administration of all provincial subjects such as the division of assets and liabilities, the police and other services, the High Courts, provincial institutions, etc.

THE TRIBES OF THE NORTH-WEST FRONTIER

17. Agreements with tribes of the North-West Frontier of India will have to be negotiated by the appropriate successor authority.

THE STATES

18. His Majesty's Government wish to make it clear that the decisions announced above relate only to British India and that their policy towards Indian States contained in the Cabinet Mission Memorandum of 12 May 1946 remains unchanged.

NECESSITY FOR SPEED

19. In order that the successor authorities may have time to prepare themselves to take over power, it is important that all the above processes should be completed as quickly as possible. To avoid delay, the different provinces or parts of provinces will proceed independently as far as practicable within the conditions of this Plan. The existing Constituent Assembly and the new Constituent Assembly (if formed) will proceed to frame constitutions for their respective territories: they will of course be free to frame

their own rules.

IMMEDIATE TRANSFER OF POWER

20. The major political parties have repeatedly emphasized their desire that there should be the earliest possible transfer of power in India. With this desire His Majesty's Government are in full sympathy, and they are willing to anticipate the date of June 1948, for the handing over of power by the setting up of an independent Indian Government or Governments at an even earlier date. Accordingly, as the most expeditious, and indeed the only practicable way of meeting this desire, His Majesty's Government propose to introduce legislation during the current session for the transfer of power this year on a Dominion Status basis to one or two successor authorities according to the decisions taken as a result of this announcement. This will be without prejudice to the right of the Indian Constituent Assemblies to decide in due course whether or not the part of India in respect of which they have authority will remain within the British Commonwealth.

FURTHER ANNOUNCEMENTS BY GOVERNOR-GENERAL

21. His Excellency the Governor-General will from time to time make such further announcements as may be necessary in regard to procedure or any other matters for carrying out the above arrangements,

APPENDIX

THE MUSLIM-MAJORITY DISTRICTS OF THE PUNJAB AND BENGAL

ACCORDING TO THE 1941 CENSUS

1. The Punjab

Lahore Division —Gujranwala, Gurdaspur, Lahore, Sheikhupura, Sialkot.

Rawalpindi Division —Attack, Gujrat, Jhelum, Mianwali, Rawalpindi, Shahpur.

Multan Division — Dera Ghazi Khan, Jhang, Lyallpur, Montgomery, Multan, Muzaffargarh.

2. Bengal

Chittagong Division —Chittagong, Noakhali, Tippera.

Dacca Division —Bakerganj, Dacca, Faridpur, Mymensingh.

Presidency Division —Jessore, Murshidabad, Nadia.

Rajshahi Division —Bogra, Dinajpur, Malda, Pabna, Rajshahi, Rangpur.

Source : Menon (1957), Transfer of Power; APPENDIX X,  Statement made by His Majesty's Government, 3 June 1947 . pp:  464-469